Sensory Habituation

By Gusmiati

in collaboration with:

Indrawan Prabaharyaka (theoretical discussion)

Novita Anggraini (water sampling and analysis)

Endira Julianda (art production)

Insan Kamil (mapping)

My visit at the beginning of October to Pantai Bahagia Village was accompanied by Daman, a local who has been volunteering his last 20 years for observing, protecting, and caring for the nonhuman primates (lutung & monyet ekor panjang) who live in the mangrove fragments, and Sugeng, a primate biologist who has observed a similar nonhuman species (Trachpyithecus auratus or Lutung Jawa, Javan ebony langur) at Pelabuhan Ratu for 6 months. As the region goes through the El Nino period, the rain never falls and makes the river water very brackish or salty. Salty is one of the sensory readings about the environment and indicates the condition of the Citarum River. Often I encounter this saying in this dry period, "The salt (asin) has reached Bungin (the area around the Citarum river and is located away from the estuary)" or “The salt has reached Point X, Y, or Z.” These are examples of a local reading about salt in which tastes, locations, and signs are correlated with each other; which is then interpreted by the locals as indexicality of salinity (how salty is it?) in the river.

"How do you know that the salty has actually reached Bungin?" I asked curiously.

“Taste the river water. Lick it.” replied Daman.

"River water will appear more radiant at that time, like seawater." he continued.

I, being curious, dipped my finger into the river and tasted it. It's salty indeed. At that time, we were still on the boat and were on the outside of the mangrove forest. We then continued our journey to the mangrove forest and the conversation about salt continued. In the long dry season like this, Daman almost always prepares clean water for the langurs in the forest voluntarily. The water is then also enjoyed by long-tailed macaques, goats, and monitor lizards. It comes from a groundwater source in the forest pulled by an electric pump, whose drilling was paid by a company CSR program. The water was then put into jerry cans to be taken to the place where the langurs would drink and two containers were prepared there. Afterward, he must carry the pump back and forth from his house.

Together with Sugeng and assisted by Daman, we would like to capture an event that has been questioned and doubted by some primatologists, namely, that the Javan langurs that this species would venture as deep as into human settlements so that they can get fresher water in the dry season. An example: Yamato Tsuji, a Japanese primatologist who has spent thousands of hours observing the same species in the southern coast of Java, wrote me, that “In Pangandaran, West Java, the lutungs sometimes lick leaves, from which they get water. I never observed that the lutungs drink the water on the ground (stream/beach). The langurs are fundamentally arboreal, and they have evolved to obtain water from plant materials. I'm not sure about the situation in Muaragembong, but animals who search for alternative water sources and snatch them from human houses might be macaques.” When we ‘observed together’ (Daman and Sugeng observed mostly the nonhuman primates, I in turn mostly observed the human primates, Daman and Sugeng) in different places, I noticed that they have a sharper sensorial acuity; in split seconds, they could hear, sea, sense and notice very quickly where the langurs were; whereas I had to ask them multiple times to know where the langurs exactly were. For instance, after a couple of hours of doing habituation–a key, basic practice in primatology, involving getting close to the group of species so that you can establish a safe distance (where they are not disturbed by your presence and you can safely observe them) and a rapport, to use the anthropological parlance–Daman told Sugeng that he could hear the sound of massive movements of the langurs from one tree to another, approaching the water containers Daman had prepared, but I did not notice.

There have been several institutions that have tried to make desalinations, but they ended up being unsuccessful. The water produced from desalination is very small, only drop by drop and will evaporate again. So far, what has been effective is Daman's method with his groundwater pump. Langurs, which are arboreal, usually get their water needs from leaves and fruit. Daman's hypothesis regarding the phenomenon of langurs descending to the ground and drinking is that the river water is too salty, perhaps even the leaves and fruit are also salty. He pointed out the presence of water on the leaf, then licked it. I tried to lick it and it turned out it tasted salty.

My multisensorial experience with salt tasting and primate observation gives me an impulse to think about the concept of sensory habituation, a multispecies method through which a researcher trains her body’s sensitivity so that she can notice better. This method may be used as a step toward exchanging messages with a focal species. Simultaneously, it is also meant to sensitize us to the already ongoing slow disaster in the Anthropocene. In this article, I will describe more in detail my exploration of salt and primate observation. For example, I will show how sensory habitation requires paying attention to the chemosociality of matters–including pollutants–and its circulation; the slow disaster unfolds as prolonged drought in dry season makes the river and the mangrove trees saltier, the nonhuman primates and other estuarian animals experience a prolonged water scarcity, whereas the humans ironically had to source their water from deep groundwater (hence exacerbating the land subsidence in that area) or buying from a piped water source with an extremely higher price, while consuming higher amount of salt, triggering hypertension. By being sensitive to the chemosociality of matters, I also show that one can identify the interfaces and where multispecies conflicts may occur.

Written from a first-person point of view, this essay is also a form of an ethnographic experiment; it is actually a product of a transdisciplinary collective, Labtek Apung, whose members have chipped in their metier: Indrawan Prabaharyaka (theoretical abstraction), Novita Anggraini (water sampling and analysis), Endira Julianda (art production), and Kamil (mapping). We aim to explore the possibilities of prototyping DIY (Do It Yourself) tool and make our “chemical regimes of living“ visible, perceptible, articulable, and thus discussable. This article is meant to be a preliminary study before the prototyping. The pilot site is Pantai Bahagia Village, Muaragembong, an estuary in the suburb of Jakarta, a site of confluence where the sea and the river meet, and a mangrove forest and fishermen’s housing intersect.

Slow disaster in the Anthropocene

How do we make space for slow emergencies and what do slow emergencies mean for understanding hazard and disaster in the Anthropocene?(Dominey-Howes, 2018)

Rain accompanied my journey in May. I traveled to Dadang's (an interlocutor) house by car, followed by a river trip by boat to the estuary. Once the air temperature showed 39.8⁰C at the estuary, but after rain the temperature could drop to 27-28⁰C, usually hot, humid, and there was no wind from morning to noon. The sky was grey and egrets looking for food from fishing boats also accompanied me and friends while taking water samples. Mangroves can be seen lined up on the edge.

Mangroves have been a central character in our fieldwork. Mak Unah, an interlocutor, makes and sells foods made of mangroves, mostly for visitors. One well-known product is dodol. This cake is made of pidada, the fruit of a mangrove species. We also were surprised by the dinner she was served, sayur asem, a sour soup of mangrove leaves. Apparently, the locals do not only sell mangrove-based food to outsiders, but they also eat mangroves as part of their daily food (other than sea animals). Since the river is known as one of the most polluted rivers in Indonesia, we wonder whether the mangrove fruit and the cake, as well as shrimps might have been contaminated, especially by heavy metals and microbiological contaminants, and contained higher concentration of salt in the dry season

High concentrations of heavy metal pollutants in fishery products indicate pollution produced by densely populated areas and industry, has increased globally, and poses a threat to human health (Yulyana et al. 2023). The upstream of Citarum is characterized by sporadic industrial development and the majority is the textile industry, combines with densely populated settlements (Laili & Sofyan, 2017) with a low-efficiency wastewater treatment system so that the discharge of wastewater, especially from industry and domestic is considered a source of heavy metal pollutants (Chanpiwat & Sthiannopkao, 2013). This contamination can flow from upstream to the Citarum estuary and even to Jakarta Bay (Wook Ji & Soo Yoo, 2018).

The Anthropocene, we might say, is ideologically pluralistic. To paraphrase sociologist Ulrich Beck: industrialization can be authoritarian, or it can be democratic; pollution is pollution, and it doesn’t respect boundaries (Knowles, 2020). Most humans from upstream to downstream are cooperating in inflicting environmental violence.

Dadang mentioned that previously Muaragembong was overgrown with mangroves which later turned into shrimp farms. The locals cut the mangroves and then dug up the land and drained the seawater. Mangroves are positioned not only as important habitats for thousands of species (Nagelkerken et al. 2008), stabilize coastlines (Achmad et al. 2020), prevent erosion and protect the living land of people who live around them (Walters, 2008), but since early contribute to ecological chemistry (Che, 1999; MacFarlane et al., 2003; Defew et al., 2005; Lewis et al. 2011 in Awuku-Sowah et al. 2022). Without no clear legal protection, deforestation and degradation of mangrove forests in estuaries become inevitable.

Instead, the states, from the colonial to the contemporary era, have promoted policies that lead to further mangrove deforestation. Mangroves have been exploited systematically in Indonesia since the 1800s, especially for the development of brackish water shrimp culture. After the Independence, there was a policy of aqua farming expansion in the 1980s, where certain areas in the North Coast of Java were assigned to be a center of aqua farm production. There was a massive increase in shrimp prices during the Asian financial crisis in 1997 and gave further incentive to “print” and multiply aqua farms. Several regulations played a role in the massive expansion of shrimp farms, such as a regulation prohibiting shrimp trawling activities in 1980 which led to the large-scale clearing of mangrove forests to build farms to meet supply shortages for the export market (1980) and a program to increase shrimp production through repairing existing farms (1984). Aquaculture is predicted to continue as the main driver of deforestation in mangrove ecosystems in Indonesia despite the governmental efforts to establish other regulations that are more friendly to mangroves and the environment (Ilman et al. 2016).

The existence of this monoculture is closely related to the Plantationocene (Dutta, 2023), a concept that talks about the simplification of the landscape into patches that could be multiplied into infinity (Haraway et al. 2016). There are two elements relevant to the Plantationocene: standardization and bureaucracy (Green, 2023). If Green (2023) explains that both regulate the movement of livestock from one location to another, in Muaragembong, standardization is a problem because there are no or inadequate standards for measuring shrimp. The shrimp cannot be exported because it does not meet the international standard, while the local market absorbs products from contaminated plantations

The Anthropocene marks the changes, taking place in Muaragembong where at one time, human activities became a geological force wreaking havoc on the planet, marked by increasingly cumulative impacts (Knowles, 2020). Muaragembong once had the nickname ‘Kampung Dollar’ because of its shrimp farms (Iqbal, 2018). Pantai Bahagia (Happy Coast) Village which is part of Muaragembong actually means the other way around: it is a place of misery and isolation. Later, many shrimp farms failed to grow due to seawater intrusion and contamination of surface water. Some locals there chose to move and leave their houses which were also submerged by seawater. One example is the house of a rich man that I saw in the mangroves area where Mak Unah used to harvest pidada.

I am a WASH (Water, Sanitation, and Hygiene) engineer and mostly worked in emergency areas. I started my career in 2019 when the earthquake, liquefaction, and tsunami hit Central Sulawesi, Indonesia in 2018. When talking about environmental phenomena, I always see disasters as a fast process that requires a fast response as well. However, here I learned to be sensitive to a different speed of disaster. Knowles (2020) says that although they are fast, disasters are also slow, as the accumulation of political events and events stretch back into the past, often to an uncertain point. The desire to tie disaster in time and place is itself a form of politics, the politic of catastrophic amnesia, of cutting off effects from causes and from the future.

By studying current and past events that occurred at the Citarum estuary, it is hoped that future disasters can be anticipated. Such processes and events form the basis for the emergence of quick and sudden disasters, for example, the resistance of microorganisms (Michael et al. 2014) or other bigger things such as disease outbreaks and the loss of a village which are in fact slowly starting to see. The locals can only improvise along the way. For example, the cemetery in Muaragembong was repeatedly flooded and dried up. Then the locals make bamboo stakes higher than the gravestones so that when it flooded, they could still mark the location of their family graves.

This improvisation may not always be successful and can have nothing to do with their wellbeing. A friend who works as a health worker at a hospital in Muaragembong said that Nephrolithiasis or kidney stone disease is one of the diseases that locals suffer. Further, this could have been the result of a series of pollution that occurred at the Citarum estuary. Pollution that has occurred for a long time has made people experience a clean water crisis, even since the 1980s. River water to groundwater is too dirty and too brackish so that it cannot be consumed and they have to rely on gallon-refill water which is usually purchased from Cilincing, Jakarta which is sold by boat for IDR 5,000-7,000 per gallon. Poverty (which is also correlated with decreased shrimp farms productivity) makes people often limit their living expenses, including for drinking water so that spending on water can be minimized.

Chemosociality of salt: how salts circulate and interact with others.

Life in Pantai Bahagia Village can be said to be almost always salty: salty rivers, salty groundwater, salty centralized water supply brought in by boat, salted fish, and salty morning dew. Conditions and everyday life make the locals eat sea animal catches every day, including me every time I visit Pantai Bahagia Village. Then the data shows that hypertension is one of the diseases that many people suffer from.

Being accustomed to living with salt makes the people there have a local reading about salt where salt can not only be tasted, but can also be seen, even heard. This reading seemed to be an alarm and was then discussed by many people along the river. The saltier it can be tasted away from the estuary, the worse the condition of the river. Brackish water once reached Cabangbungin in the 90s and according to the locals this was the worst condition. Communities who still depend on river for their clean water were affected. The water was too salty even for bathing and washing dishes, so you had to look for clean water sources from other villages.

This is very interesting for me and my friends who are only used to reading by data or at least tasting. We have carried out quality tests on river water and ground water there and the salinity level (level of saltiness) represented by the TDS (Total Dissolved Solid) parameter shows a high value that exceeds the threshold. We (represented by Endira) have also compared water from the Citarum estuary with river water obtained from the Berlin and Sao Paulo areas when conducting a workshop in Sao Paulo, Brazil this October. Endira and her friends there used a hydrometer, a tool usually used to measure salinity in aquariums. The hydrometer that we bought from Jakarta via an online shop showed high salinity readings for water from the Citarum estuary.

"Of course we are the winner, because it's near to the sea," she said via chat to me.

The intrusion of seawater to the river has occurred at least since 1970s. During Daman’s childhood, the shrimp farms around his house were paddy fields. People farm to meet their rice needs. The rice was reddish and the little Daman also helped pound the paddy. Paddy fields began to change to shrimp farms when brackish water began to enter the fields and caused the rice plants to die in the 1990s. This story was confirmed by Karsum, one of the elders in Pantai Bahagia Village.

Karsum enters the sixty-plus-year old age. He started living in Pantai Bahagia Village in the 1970s when he was kid. He and his family come from Karawang, an area famous for its agriculture. At that time, his life was difficult since he was in Karawang. The family lived together until they were gently asked to move. He mentioned how hard and lifeless life was in Pantai Bahagia Village. It's all difficult. Don't have any friends because it's very lonely.

His family only knew farming, so they made paddy fields for subsistence. Karsum family's paddy field area is the last border of paddy fields in the Muaragembong area or along the Citarum River. They eat rice when the fields have been harvested and often eat mangrove fruit. Telling about all his life in the past made him sad and suddenly he burst into tears. He said, Muara Bendera (part of Pantai Bahagia Village) at that time was an open prison.

In the past, he relied heavily on Citarum River water for drinking, cooking, bathing, and washing. Just like the others, he has also gone through a clean water crisis and had to get water from other villages far away. Now he gets water from drilled water and centralized water supply purchased from other villages and brought by boat.

Human-alloprimate conflicts.

Where in the previous section I have shown how I tested out sensory habituation primarily by tasting, in this section I will focus on the audiovisual (seeing and hearing) part. Last August, on my trip to the mangrove forest accompanied by Apip (son of the boat owner), we met langurs in the mangrove trees located on the edge of the Citarum River, opposite the mangrove forest. It was black and I didn't notice it. As the boat began to approach, some left, but others remained. One small langur was busy eating leaves at that time.

Then I saw a house where according to Daman, langurs often visited and did activities on the roof of the owner of the house. It is located not far from the trees area that I was observing earlier. The roof of the house is messy. Daman said that the owner of the house liked to complain to him about the langurs’ activity. The roof once had a hole in it where a langur stepped on it. She let the langurs around her house and always told him when this happened. In this way, naturally, Daman has a role as a monitor, an individual to deal with alloprimate encroachments in ‘conflict hotspots’ (Hurn, 2015).

Salty water in the long dry season triggers langurs to come down and look for clean water. They often search for water in settlements, giving rise to interactions with the community and fishermen. The presence of those who are looking for a drink often results in their expulsion from the community. Not only langurs, long-tailed macaques also often approach settlements, but to look for food. This incident is increasingly being experienced, especially by shop owners around mangrove forests. In response to this incident, they usually close their shop.

There seems to be a shift in eating culture for the long-tailed macaques, which are estimated to be 40 for its population. Macaques can meet their food needs from the forest, but since a lot of rubbish flows along rivers and collects on the edge of the estuary, macaques like to look for food there. If the river is clean, they often approach nearby shops or houses, kind of an ability to adapt, the exploitation of non-traditional foodstuffs appropriated from their human neighbours, places them in often mortal danger of retributive attacks (Hurn, 2015; Nadal, 2020) and diseases (Fuantes, 2010).

Daman and I arrived at the boat landing heading to the mangrove forest. Daman said that the macaques had stopped at this place before we arrived. The sign was the presence of plastic waste on the bridge. It was possible that macaques moved into the surrounding area and indeed we saw them in a pile of rubbish floating on the riverbank on the outside of the forest. That morning the Citarum River looked dirtier than the previous days. There are more water hyacinths and trash. Daman said the reason was because the flood gates of the Jatiluhur Reservoir were opened slightly so that the rubbish was washed away. We tried to approach the group of long-tailed macaques. There were eight in total. There was a macaque that carried a baby, and its color was still black, and most of its time was spent being carried by its mother.

Daman said, in the group of macaques we were observing there was a king and there was also a guest or newcomer. The sign of a king is that he has the largest body. The guest is a macaque who comes from another location and Daman doesn't know where he comes from. From my observations, the 'guests' tend to be aggressive towards us. Occasionally he showed a threatened expression and tried to defend himself when he saw us slowly approaching.

The macaques look for food in piles of rubbish. They even tore the trash bag. Some got tea bottles, medicine bottles, cartons of milk, plastic wrap for spices/food. They tried to taste the contents. In the same frame, macaques’ activities are very varied, starting from lying down, looking for food, playing, and grooming. The time was 8.11 WIB at which time two monitor lizards came. One was carrying a dead cat, while the other was carrying nothing, but looked aggressive. The two monitor lizards walked quickly towards the group of macaques who were currently on a pile of floating rubbish. This event was very tense, especially if watched with binoculars, as I did. When the two monitor lizards approached the group of macaques, breaking through the water and piles of rubbish, the macaques began to make noise and immediately climbed into the tree. They came back down after the situation was safe and continued their trash-scavenging activities again.

There was an interesting experience when I was in the mangrove forest. At that time, I was about to pass through a group of monkeys to approach my friend who had gone away because she was being chased by monkeys while observing. I brought twigs as Daman once told me if I wanted to be safe when dealing with macaques. It was smooth, and the small macaques opened the way for me and they moved to a tree on the side of the path, but I was stopped by the king who was named Sungokong by the locals. Sungokong didn't want to move and showed his aggressive side to me. I have never been in a situation like this, and Daman has never been equipped with the knowledge to deal with this condition. I was still trying to scare the king with the tree branch I was holding. Then I saw that the guest was also confronted and started approaching me. I was confused and afraid, then I shouted Daman's name. Daman then immediately approached me and helped chase away the king and the guests. I survived.

I was amazed by the monkey's behavior that day. During our observations over a week, we have never received threats like this, and we have never threatened them. Daman said that it seemed like they were threatened by the presence of other humans who were in the forest making floodgates, cutting down trees, or perhaps someone was targeting the baby.

Before 2014, there was widespread illegal hunting for baby langurs and macaques. To get the baby, the hunter must kill the mother first. A story that is relevant to the Sherina Adventure 2 Film which is still hot in Indonesia this year. Daman is aggressively fighting illegal poaching and was assisted by a community called Save Mugo. It is not uncommon for locals to pet langurs or monkeys which often escalates human conflict with NHP. The child of one of the mothers I spoke to was once bitten by a macaque kept in the Beting. After that incident, the macaque was killed. The child was seriously injured, she said even bones could be seen. The nerves or one part of the blood vessels are injured so that he becomes permanently disabled. The mother said that the child was healthy when she was born but was disabled by macaques. Her daughter didn't like wearing short sleeves since then.

A reflection.

Sensory habituation is not unlike the “art of noticing” (Tsing, 2010:192) and the efforts to transform noticing into attentiveness, “the cultivation of skills for both paying attention to others and meaningfully responding” (van Dooren et al., 2016). “Sensory” here refers to an attempt of circumventing the fundamental problem of applying social science methods in multispecies studies, for example, in interviewing nonhumans such as plants or animals (Hartigan, 2017). Plants and animals may not speak in the conventional sense of the term but they have the sensory capacities ”to respond to human value systems through processes of growth and development” (Miller, 2019:5). In my fieldwork, one glaring example is how the langurs come to trust Daman who has observed them for years and prepared clean water, a vital matter for their welfare, or better: survival in the extremely polluted, degraded, and tough landscape of Muaragembong. The langurs trust Daman to the extent that when some of them were about to die, they approached him for the last sip of water and bid him goodbye. “Sensory habituation” thus implies an emphasis on the very affective and embodied attunement of the multispecies observers; the observation is not merely taking quantitative notes of the species behavior into a sheet of paper, but more importantly it requires a training of the observers’ vision, hearing, feeling, and speculative sympathy (Langlitz, 2020).

I, who am familiar with exact science for my education background, question the opinion about anthropological knowledge which is expected to produce multispecies ethnography (Eben Kirksey and Stefan Helmreich in Fuentes, 2010) because it feels like observations in biology can also produce multispecies ethnography, as I did when using the scan sampling technique (observation technique which is usually used by biological scientists or primatologists) on Sugeng and Daman, although I still don't know where the conclusion will lead. There are strange things and dynamics that I feel when I have to pay attention to humans and their interactions when observing NHPs which might represent interactions between NHPs and humans outside the forest which then become broader and more complex.

So far, we often only see the negative impacts resulting from NHPs interference in settlements, where Hurn (2012) mentions the human tendency to use human benchmarks (anthropocentrism) to measure abilities and assess other species (anthropozoometricity). Maybe we just don't want to try to place humans as objects to try to understand NHPs at least through observation so that we can guess how NHPs view humans and how damaging humans have been to them. Like when I try to understand humans as objects from my perspective as a human and try to understand from NHP's perspective while guessing what the interpretation is. Opening our perceptions and paradigms to include the human–alloprimate interface can lead to a new wave, a possible cross-over of sociocultural anthropology and of primatology; it can also facilitate our move towards a more effective investigation of the landscapes where species meet (Fuentes, 2010) and even create our multispecies infrastructure, something that I have never imagined, for so far infrastructures are thought to serve only humans.

Humans have very clear notions of property but choose to disregard the claims that nonhuman others may also have to that property (Hurn, 2015). Mangrove deforestation, landscape change, water scarcity due to contamination and higher amounts of salt can expand the occurrences of multispecies conflicts in Pantai Bahagia Village, Muaragembong. Understanding the interactions of organisms within mutual ecologies—how they coproduce and coconstruct each other’s niches in behavioral, ecological, and physiological senses can help to describe this moment in history, the Anthropocene, when humans have become a geological juggernaut that damages the planet, and hopefully some possible ways out of it (Crutzen and Stoermer 2000; Rose 2009 in Fuentes, 2010).

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